User:John Bessa/The Cree through a Conscious Lens

November 2012

Abstract

Helping the Cree includes understanding their relationship with Nature; their stories; and the mediating tools of their spirituality, which include a well-developed psychology that descends from shamanism. Cree belong to a greater Algonquin linguistic group that ranges across Eastern subarctic Canada and much of the Canadian West, and forms a cohesive spiritual group. Surrounding large groups, such as the Inuit and Dine, share similar values with respect to Nature--as do most Aboriginal cultures. “Civilized” Westerners are genuinely interested in Aboriginal culture, but tend to over-think its spiritual meanings in Western contexts such as metaphysics and mysticism. Aboriginal spirituality simply and colorfully benefits Aboriginals by helping to integrate aspects of Nature with human life so as to make life survivable and meaningful. There are surprising similarities between Cree stories and other religions such as an intermediary to the Creator in the deity Wisahkecahk, and a flood that destroyed humanity. An important aspect of Cree culture to comprehend is the spirituality of the life-giving hunt. As the Cree genuinely like animals, their spirituality is seen as animistic in that it mediates conflicting feelings caused by hunting--so, the hunt isn’t entirely about hunting.

Author's note

This academic writing for my master's degree in counselling was inspired by meeting a boreal Cree, J-Bear, at a sweat lodge ceremony and a council circle soon after that celebrated the launching of a purely Aboriginal Canoe in the Saint John River of New Brunswick, Canada. This document is written from the clinical perspective specifically to educate the professor in the context of her worldview. The theme becomes apparent at the end, when I introduce "the anthropologist" as an "objective observer" attempting to penetrate Cree spirituality in its contradictory contexts; there is a word play as the light-collecting glass of a camera lens is called the "objective." Important to me in this writing is an observation of similarities between Judeo-Christian and Cree religions, which prompted me to look closely at the Bearing Strait to see if European concepts could have crossed from Siberia to Alaska much earlier than is presently thought.

Cree, Current Situation

The Cree population is estimated to be 200,000 (The Canadian Encyclopedia, 2012), and can be grouped by the biomes they occupy: forest (western boreal and swamp; eastern woodlands), rock (arctic), and plains. Their greater Algonquin language group includes the Wabanaki federation to the east which is symbolized by its trading canoes, and the closely-related Ojibway to the south who etched birch bark scrolls (Goody, 1987) to enhance and standardize sacred stories, record medicinal cures, and distribute knowledge.

J-Bear is in his mid-20s, which is a typical age as half of Canada’s Aboriginals are under the age of 25 (CBC News, 2008). Until recent decades, boreal Cree hunted during the winter months and socially-integrated in villages during summer. Today’s Cree live in over-crowded apartments or houses (Stastna, 2011), and, in 2011, many arctic Cree were suffering their winter in tents and trailers such that Canada became the focus of United Nations activism (APTN National News, 2011). The boreal forests that are providing the tar sands that fuel Canada make the industry’s center, Fort McMurray, one of the richest places in Canada; but Cree largely do not support the exploitation (Earle, 2010), and thus do not benefit from it.

Cree Worldview

The Cree worldview is a vertical continuum from the cosmos, through daily life--which embraces surrounding nature--to dreams and memories (Alberta Learning, 2005). The spiritually-important phrase “all my relations” (McCabe, 2007, p. 10) shows that family and community inclusion are only two of many Cree interrelations; others are components of the environment: wildlife, the Earth, and the Cosmos (Berry & Brink, 2004; Brightham, 1973). The Cree remained independent enough to forestall the worst effects of assimilation (Wiebe, 2008), and thus their traditional stories and memories of Shamans have survived (Brown & Brightman, 1998; Niezen, 1993). The marginalizing and alienation effects were not seen among forest and rock Cree until the 1960s (when their land was opened to exploitation) because they are remote have had a strategy of avoiding Whites (Wiebe, 2008). (Boreal J-Bear, who is very friendly, has a history of defiance resulting in prison terms that might be evidence of Cree resistance that may inform us about behavioral problems in Cree that are not pathological.) Cree spiritual beliefs that mediate relationships with nature for survival are said to be anthropomorphic (Brown & Brightman, 1998; Niezen, 1993). However, the central Cree mythical figure, transformative Wisahkecahk who represents Cree values, is usually human. This same figure is known to Aboriginals far into the United States as a big rabbit (often smoking a sacred pipe) through the literature of the linguistically-related Ojibway (Brown & Brightman, 1998).

Mental Health Issues

Many times more Aboriginals are in prison or suffering depravity such as homelessness compared to non-Aboriginal Canadians (Walsh & MacDonald, 2011; Office of the Correctional Investigator, 2010). Many agree that a core reason for this disproportion is the direct effect of many “civilizing” influences and assimilation attempts by the “Euro-centric” mainstream (Wesley-Esquimaux & Smolewski, 2004). The view is that aboriginal identity and self-concept have thus been largely destroyed, resulting in self-destructive behaviors that are often described in terms of mental trauma that is transmitted between generations. Because Aboriginals are six times as likely to be prisoners in Canada (Correctional Service Canada, 2012), it can be hypothesized that the White prison population consists largely of those who are unsuccessful in society because of anti-social disorders, whereas Aboriginals are largely in prison due to deprivation and highly-damaged self-concept resulting in anti-social behaviors. Accepting this helps derive hope from the many on-going efforts to restore Aboriginal identity (Waldram, 2008). Thus, the ill effects suffered by the Cree might be reversed to allow them to participate in Canadian society in their cultural context.

Many justice experts support this as “restorative justice” (Correctional Service Canada, 2012; Mason, 2000), or even as “relational justice” as from “all my relations” (Ross, 2007). Rock and forest Cree elders support this hypothesis, as they are emphatic that two over-riding mental health problems (that had not previously existed) emerged as a result of the opening of their territory to hydroelectric exploitation: alcoholism and suicide (Niezen, 1993). Prior problems were depressive, psychotic and existential. Substance abuse (which has expanded to narcotics, stimulants, and inhalants) is so damaging that it will have to be resolved before Aboriginal identity can be fully restored (Waldram, 2008).

Current Cree Medicine

In line with academic and popular views for the causes of the self abuse, social defiance, and suicide, the treatment that is internally recommended is cultural restoration. It parallels the learning process for multicultural competency, which includes appreciation for historical and traditional treatments. This suggests that clinicians could do well to initiate efforts with most clients using traditional modalities. A minority of Cree have resisted traditional approaches because they are highly-Christianized (Taliman, 2011; Waldram, 1997). The benefits of the medicine wheel, the sweat lodge, and talking circle are far easier to experience than explain; studies of them have been overwhelmingly encouraging (Mason, 2000; Waldram, 1997).

The medicine wheel has four quadrants that variously represent body, spirit, emotions and thoughts. Its use is highly-flexible and can be layered to create any four interrelations; the four racial skin colors are seen on all wheels. It has been successfully applied to social work and nursing academics (Dumbrill & Rice Green, 2008). An early wheel is a huge mountain-top astronomic chart dated to 1200 AD (Stanford Solar Center, 2008).

Half of aboriginal treatment centers use the sweat lodge ceremony (SLC) (Garrett, 2011). Historical uses were for infectious diseases (particularly respiratory), and counselling (Niezen, 1993). Health benefits are widely-evidenced, and social uses include initiation into spiritual societies and endurance-building (Marder, 2004). The most impressive evidence for the healing effects of sweat lodges is from ceremonies led by elders in prisons attended largely by non-Aboriginals (Sturmann, 2006; Waldram, 1997). Herbs are also part of SLCs including sage, tobacco, and sweet grass (Mason, 2000).

Talking circles are group counselling events that occur within the SLC; participants express thoughts and concerns that arise from within or are brought to the group (Waldram, 2008). The dialog is usually meditative but can be cathartic (Sturmann, 2006). Optionally, a full-blown council circle can be organized that is mediated by herbs and a sacred object passed by each participant; whomever holds it “holds the floor” and all are thus encouraged to speak.

The most important Cree mediator is story-telling, which, from the theological perspective, is typically-religious in that it explains natural phenomena. Cree storytelling hinges on the adventures of the creation figure, Wisahkecahk (Brown & Brightman, 1998). Cree stories seem written for children and the fantasy-enjoyment of adults, but, nonetheless, were and remain a key component of Cree medicine, and are important in therapy (Mason, 2000; Niezen, 1993).

The important Cree spiritual being is not the Great Spirit, the creator Mantiou, but the “transformer” figure, Wisahkecahk, as he is humanity’s re-creator or “savior,” as, apparently, the Mantiou allowed humanity to drown (Brown & Brightman, 1998). Wisahkecahk recruited animals to dive into the water to retrieve earth so that he could rebuild the world (through transformation); only the muskrat was successful, so the two married and recreated humanity. To the south, Wisahkecahk is often a pipe-smoking rabbit, Missapos. Wisahkecahk’s story mirrors the Old Testament as he mediates human interaction with the Creator; some have suggested a similarity to Christ (Ryan, 1999). Cree nonetheless pray to the Great Spirit, such as when a plains Cree chief, Big Bear, meditated on the Grandfather Buffalo, a meteorite (the Manitou rock), when the the buffalo herds were being exterminated by Americans (Wiebe, 2008). Buffalo-killing “whiskey-louts” from the US poisoned carcasses to kill wolves, and then killed 40 Cree, which led to Cree resistance to American invaders. Conflict with a Métis Chief, Dumont, resulted in Big Bear’s arrest and imprisonment: Dumont was a mass-murder and major thief, but is remembered as a hero; Big Bear was wise, pacifistic, and had never killed, yet he is only known to the Cree.

Assuming clients are open to these mediators, there is no reason not to initiate other treatments with them, as they tend to create resilient alliances (Sturmann, 2006), and are shown to be healing in and of themselves. The inquiring, relational, and restorative journey mediates levels of self-understanding and participation that can be extended to any therapy. The clinical approach itself can be considered a mediator because the clinical and multicultural learning processes mediate effective helping. “The lens” is often used as a metaphor because it seems nearly impossible for a researcher to fully-comprehend the meanings of the relational continuum (as in “all my relations”), but it is easy to experience the health-giving and consolidating effects of Cree mediators--especially the sweat (Ross, 2007). As so much of Aboriginal maladaption falls to justice systems, Aboriginal relational healing (termed restorative justice) stands as a solution. Like the sweat ceremony in prison, it is useful for all, because the victim’s relationship with an assailant, for instance, is often one of hate that has to be “let go.” Likewise assailants need to grasp the effects of their actions if they can. With this theory, relational healing brings conflictive parties together for resolution in the healing context. Prison SLCs have successfully mediated “gangland” conflicts (Sturmann, 2006).

The aboriginal conscientiously experiences nature as part of the continuum that mediates respect for surroundings, or “relations;” while the Westerner experiences this spirituality factually by recording data to be reassembled as empirical evidence. Nonetheless, the researcher experiences visceral healing by virtue of the experience. Thus, sweat ceremonies in prison empirically “acid test” relational rehabilitation efforts with “hardened” felons and validate restorative justice through “relational healing” for all of society in ways that participants may be unable to explain (Mason, 2000; Sturmann, 2006; Waldram, 1997).

Cree counselling psychology has survived (Niezen, 1993). There are four known approaches, and the first three have survived intact and are always available: Cree medicine, forest living, and counselling. The forth is Shaman, or mitau, which was eliminated by the Anglican Church (Niezen, 1993; Waldram, 2008). Cree medicine is largely the sweat ceremony as described, and treats ailments as well as promoting psychological well-being (Niezen, 1993). Forest living means reconnecting with the natural continuum by having clients spend time in the wilds with an elder, as community leaders often send difficult youth to a remote elder. Traditional counselling is most common and not too different from Western counselling; it is Humanistic, behavioral, and proactive. When Elders learn of a problem, they widely research causes for it (with a transgenerational approach), and they confront the client because maladaptive behaviors affect all. Open conflict, for instance, will affect the hunt by scaring prey. The primary rationale is that the preservation of harmony through the vertical continuum integrates family life with natural. Disrespecting a mother metaphorically extends to nature, as Nature is mother-like; thus avoiding spousal abuse is necessary to assure food. In such a counselling situation, an ancestor mediates the mother-Earth connection through “all my relations.” Thus, those who are unfamiliar with relational ways might not be trusted by elders in such a situation, which can frustrate newly-arrived social workers. Knowledge of exceedingly bad behavior is distributed by gossip, causing counselling to start spontaneously in public or over radio waves, which causes friction between young and old. However, the possibility of disclosure is a behavioral deterrent.

Because of the restorative use of the relational lens, it is likely that in many cases both counsellor and client are learners. A “not knowing” humbleness that would signal weakness in the mainstream might be perceived by Cree as respect and awe for the natural continuum, and elders might find resulting inquiry refreshing from individualist clinicians. However, to successfully impress Cree elders, one must comprehend the spiritual meaning of the most important event, which is the hunt.

Attempting to Understand the Spirituality of the Hunt

This writing was initiated by my participation in a SLC, and in a later council circle at the launching of a historical canoe at a Maliseet reserve. A sweat ceremony was professionally organized by M-Bear for local clinicians; it resulted in my relationship with J-Bear. Participation in the sweat was health-giving, unifying, and therapeutic in ways that I did not instantly understand; the extent of its effects were surprising for me: the heat, the sweat, the openness of the clinicians in discussion, and the depth to which it sent me in search of memories of formative experiences. Negative memories were ignored; I recovered a color image of a hitchhiking experience long ago where a chief and a warrior gave me a ride through the night in a Pontiac so old that it had an amber hood ornament of Chief Pontiac’s likeness. I remember complaining about the cold Alberta air coming through the back seat, and the chief calling me “Little Bear,” which, in this context, is not insignificant. M-Bear is a Sun Dance warrior, and J-Bear became my equivalency student; their last names are also significant to me considering what the chief called me. The council or talking circle that followed a few days later was also enlightening as it showed a seamless transition for many Aboriginals from the Christian, church-based prayer format to the Aboriginal relationship with Nature.

After the clinicians’ sweat, deli-meat trays emerged from car trunks, and I was surprised (but should not have been) as M-Bear shoveled baloney slices into his mouth while criticizing fast-food. I brought bright red wild sumac tea, my best harvest, which, by the taste of it, must be cleansing and fortifying in the way pomegranate is. I was also surprised that only the clinicians tasted it, and all liked it. M-Bear, J-Bear, and the sacred pipe carrier looked at the sumac tea with suspicion. While I was novice in the ceremony experiencing its benefits for the first time, I felt highly-aboriginal because I proved to be a successful forager.

Animals are especially included in “all my relations,” with emotional attachments to them just as with family and friends. Killing is an unfortunate, but necessary, component of the kinship relationship with wild animals that is felt by many Aboriginals, especially the Inuit who live by a pure meat diet (Brightham, 1973; Reimer, 1999). In short, the “spirit” of the animal, which, to them, is no different from any spirit anywhere, has to be respected or it will not provide itself as future sustenance. To the Cree, this may mean feeding the animal’s spirit its own flesh. Every bit of an animal must be used out of respect, and an animal may only be killed out of nutritional necessity. A hunter described how he hung in a tree for a long period (with his rifle) while a moose tried to retaliate for his killing of the moose’s relations--three mares. Despite the self-defense situation, the moose was allowed to live as no animal may be killed except for nutritional survival (Niezen, 1993). Despite this sacred law, none have reported a vegetarian Cree, nor observed feelings of guilt in Cree while they eat their prey. A variety of mediating conversations may happen with the animals during or after the hunt, including apologies and rationalizations, but faith in the spirit mediates good will despite the killing of animal “relations.”

Bears hold a special place for Cree, as they are human in shape, can be bipedal, are facially and vocally expressive, and are highly-intelligent. When a Cree was asked why he wouldn’t eat bear by a researcher, his response was “do you think I am a cannibal?” (Brightham, 1973, p. 205, as cited in Cockburn, 1985, p. 44). It is entirely possible for Cree to “marry” into animal society. Animal community must have been strong before the gun, and bears, in particular, would be better as allies. Marrying into animal society makes eating the species taboo, and also requires protecting the species from other hunters (Brightham, 1973).

Our approach to the Cree view of bears as being at the level of human society is anthropomorphic through the “anthropological lens;” thus we define the Cree as animist. Conversely, elders will continue to experience the natural continuum directly and will thus ignore the anthropological view because its anthropomorphism is only useful empirically; the “all my relations,” spirituality is what mediates Cree understanding of phenomena. If flial relations can be made with threatening animal neighbors, then natural threats will be greatly reduced, and the animals will also remain nearby for “all my relations” purposes. The emotional effect of this filial relationship with wild animals should cause the Cree to feel emotional conflict if they have to kill the animals considered relations, which hypothetically explains their rules.

Cree culture is highly collectivist in that all biological and physical nature is filial, but it is individualist in terms of the personal relationship with nature during the hunt. Some anthropologists see a difference between being “individual” and “individualist” (Cohen, 1994) such that the Cree can be viewed as being closely connected to society--and thus be collectivist, yet, still able to rely on the self-conscious to interrelate with Nature--and thus be individualist. The Cree hunter’s spiritual consciousness is mediated by his holistic awareness of Nature to create a spatially-oriented map that allows him to interrelate implicitly with the surrounding environment. Every aspect of the surrounding natural system is thus mapped into his individual consciousness such that he models within him the lives of the wild animals as if they are he. No empirical framework exists to map a relationship such as this. Carl Jung is often cited as a potential source (McCabe, 2008), but he showed disdain for Aboriginals (Jung, 1921/1976). Some anthropologists create a bridge to Aboriginal consciousness by immersing in Aboriginal life such that their very experiences become the data (Cohen, 1994). By opening their minds to the culture, they embrace the “original” cultural connections to the environment by using Aboriginal values and mediating techniques instead of empirical. The ethnologist temporarily “goes native;” his findings are no longer an “image” of consciousness viewed through the “lens,” but the experience of it. This is experimental, but could nonetheless provide relevant data to be used in preparation for counselling the Cree. For counsellors, however, structuring these types of values in their minds is not experimental, as they often model clients’ behaviors for better outcomes, and model other-cultures by participating in cultural events. Further developing this strategy can only benefit credibility with Cree clients, and, equally important, earn acceptance from Cree elders.

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